馬華民政為何要當幫凶？
（外 電2日訊）多次揭露納吉涉嫌醜聞的美國《華爾街日報》，週三在評論專欄撰文批評，首相納吉為了在政治爭取生存，不惜犧牲分化馬來政權以及傷害國家的經濟。 文章開首即點出大馬當前時局正冒出種族不和諧的火花，令人憂心重演1969年的暴動，讓非多數民族再度成為大馬權力鬥爭的代罪羔羊。
這篇題為《馬來西亞與種族牌》（Malaysia and the Race Card）的文章分析指出，淨選盟4.0集會由於不獲伊黨動員，造成普遍走上街頭的群眾，大部分以華人和印度人居多。這樣的局面使到支持納吉的群眾，有了 藉口指控大部分華人都是有行動黨意識形態，他們是要來推翻納吉，威脅和剝削馬來政權。
916紅衣集會中，警方力阻滋事者在茨廠街的搗亂，但文章認為巫統領袖組織領導和資助了這一場集會。包括巫統掌控的媒體也反對改革，認為威脅到馬來政權，甚至是納吉也認同916集會，是馬來領袖受到不尊敬對待的一種回應。
文章中間段落敘述「中國駐馬大使造訪茨廠街」的風波，總結認為要是發生種族騷亂，來自中國的衝 擊不是最大的影響，而是由華人和印度人主導的大馬經濟，他們可能會撤離資本和轉移技能到海外，並舉例亞洲航空集團（AirAsia）總執行長東尼費南德斯 曾表達對國內種族關係發展的憂心。
文章指出，1969年暴動事件後，為緩和馬來人憤怒情緒而設立的機制，帶來了不正當後果。這些利益，助長了巫統政客之間的貪污風氣，將人民公款轉給他們的親信。大馬的經濟陷入困境，意味著那些被寵壞的一群之間的競爭更為激烈。
文中最後認為納吉即使下台，短時間內也無法化解國內的種族緊張局勢，因為7月份的內閣改組後，還是有許多馬來沙文主義者掌握實權。
「馬來西亞的非多數民族確實應該感到憂慮，他們將再度成為權力鬥爭的代罪羔羊」。
華爾街日報的指責很有理的。納吉現在「騎虎難下」，為保政權千方百計使出陰謀，包括不惜犧牲種族和諧：重演513就是手段之一，讓國家陷入動亂；那麼，納吉就可以光明正大宣布國家進入緊急狀態，暫時凍結國會運作，啟動國家安全理事會，出動軍隊實施戒嚴。如此一來，反對納吉的力量將不能通過國會投不信任票拉他下馬，他還可以假借軍人的手剷除異己，將所有反對他的人統統關進監牢，甚至橫屍街頭。從此再也沒有反對的聲音，再也沒有人敢追究420億一馬公司債務醜聞和26億私人贓款貪污醜聞。而由於實施軍法統治，國會被無限期凍結，5年一屆的全國大選自然無法舉行，他的首相任期喜歡做多久就做多久。
民主行動黨全國組織秘書兼芙蓉區國會議員陸兆福，於2015年9月3日（星期四）在吉隆坡發表的文告：
廖中萊是在慫恿巫統指控行動黨散播種族仇恨，試圖把凈選盟4大集會（Bersih 4）扭曲為種族議題。
民主行動黨強烈譴責馬華總會長廖中萊抹黑行動黨在凈選盟4集會上散播種族仇恨情緒。他把集會上兩名參與者踩踏首相納吉和伊黨主席哈迪阿旺肖像的行為，怪罪於行動黨。
這是徹頭徹尾的謊言，因為行動黨根本與此事無關，而且也不會縱容這種行為。行動黨國會領袖林吉祥昨天已在檳城的新聞發布會上公開譴責此事。
為什麼廖中萊可以迅速配合巫統領袖一唱一和地以種族議題攻擊凈選盟4大集會，卻對反凈選盟「紅杉軍」往瑪麗亞陳肖像潑紅漆的暴行靜若寒蟬、視而不見？
馬華民政為何要當幫凶？居心何在？
Sept. 30, 2015 7:49 p.m. ET
Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak’s fight for political survival has divided the ruling United Malay National Organization and hurt the nation’s economy. Now it is sparking racial discord. Malaysia’s history of ethnic strife, including the 1969 riots in which hundreds of Chinese were killed, makes this development especially troubling.
At the end of August, a series of rallies by the reform movement Bersih demanded that Mr. Najib resign because of corruption allegations that he denies. The main Malay opposition party PAS didn』t take part as it did in past Bersih rallies, so the crowd of at least 50,000 was mostly made up of Chinese and Indian minorities.
That gave Mr. Najib’s supporters a pretext to claim that the main ethnic Chinese opposition party, the Democratic Action Party, is part of a conspiracy to bring down the Prime Minister and take away the affirmative-action privileges reserved for the Malay majority. On Sept. 16 the most radical hotheads, known as red shirts, tried to rally in Kuala Lumpur’s Chinatown, scene of the worst violence in 1969.
To the government’s credit, the police have largely kept the red shirts out of Chinatown and prevented violence. But UMNO politicians lead the red-shirt movement, which is well funded and organized. UMNO-controlled media outlets have joined in the portrayal of opposition reformers as a threat to the Malays. Mr. Najib defended the rally as a response to insults against Malay leaders.
On Friday Chinese Ambassador Huang Huikang waded into the controversy. Speaking at a holiday event in Chinatown as the red shirts planned another foray into the area, he said that the Chinese government opposed terrorism, extremism and discrimination based on race. 「But with regard to the infringement on China’s national interests, violations of legal rights and interests of Chinese citizens and businesses, which may damage the friendly relationship between China and the host country, we will not sit by idly,」 he warned.
The threat came as a surprise because it broke Beijing’s usual policy on noninterference in other countries』 internal affairs. Malaysia has steadily moved closer to China, and the two countries began their first joint military exercise the day before the Ambassador’s remarks.
As China feuds with the Philippines and Vietnam over islands in the South China Sea, Malaysia has helped deflect pressure for multilateral talks involving the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
But the rising nationalism that drives Chinese aggression in the South China Sea also means that Beijing will speak up for ethnic Chinese under attack in the region. China has plenty of economic leverage, with annual two-way trade exceeding $100 billion and Chinese investment in Malaysia booming.
If race riots do recur, retaliation from China wouldn』t be the biggest cost. Ethnic Chinese and Indian Malaysians still dominate the economy and could move their capital and management know-how offshore. Prominent Malaysian entrepreneur Tony Fernandes,CEO of AirAsia Group, recently cited deteriorating race relations as one of his biggest worries.
The system of racial preferences created after the 1969 riots to mollify Malay anger have had a perverse effect. The benefits fostered corruption among UMNO politicians who channeled public funds to their cronies. The struggling Malaysian economy means the competition for spoils is even more vicious.
Even if Mr. Najib steps down, tensions are likely to increase for some time. After the Prime Minister sacked his deputy and rival, Muhyiddin Yassin, in July and purged other reformers from UMNO, Malay chauvinists have moved into positions of power. Malaysia’s minorities have good reason to fear they will again be scapegoats in the country’s power struggles.
轉載請註明來源：今天頭條